Government Operations and Politics Desk
34 bills in the Government Operations and Politics desk, ordered for current relevance and readability.
Sponsored by Brian Fitzpatrick
Under current federal law, the Help America Vote Act of 2002 established baseline standards for state election administration but did not require voters to present photo identification. States have adopted varying approaches: more than two-thirds now request or require some form of identification, but only 22 require photo identification specifically. This patchwork creates inconsistency in how federal elections are administered across the country, with some states accepting alternative forms of verification while others have minimal identity checks at the ballot box. The Securing our Elections Act of 2025 amends the Help America Vote Act by inserting a new section requiring states to demand valid photo identification from all voters casting ballots in federal elections. The bill directs state and local election officials to refuse regular ballots to anyone voting in person who cannot present photo ID—though voters without ID may cast provisional ballots if they provide the required identification or a religious objection affidavit within three days. For mail-in voters, officials must reject ballots unless accompanied by a copy of valid photo ID or the last four digits of the voter's Social Security number plus an affidavit stating the voter made reasonable efforts to obtain ID. The bill exempts overseas military voters from these requirements. Implementation begins with federal elections in 2026. States must notify voter registration applicants of the photo ID requirement and provide free identification to those unable to pay or obtain it through reasonable efforts. States must also ensure public access to digital imaging devices at government buildings like libraries and courthouses so voters can copy their ID at no cost. The Election Assistance Commission must issue guidance by October 1, 2025. States with existing photo ID laws meeting or exceeding these standards can request approval from the Attorney General, which is automatically granted if the department does not respond within 180 days. The bill repeals existing federal provisions that previously allowed mail-in registrants to avoid photo ID requirements.
Referred to the House Committee on House Administration.

Sponsored by Claudia Tenney
Federal agencies currently operate under civil service laws that generally protect employee positions and allow for salary increases based on merit, longevity, or cost-of-living adjustments. The Office of Personnel Management oversees federal hiring and compensation policies across the government. Agencies have broad authority to hire new employees to meet operational needs and to adjust employee pay within budgeted limits. This framework has been in place for decades and reflects the principle that federal workforces should grow or shrink based on agency missions and resource availability. The Federal Freeze Act prohibits agency heads from increasing their total workforce beyond current staffing levels for one year from enactment, with narrow exceptions for law enforcement, public safety, or national security positions. The bill also freezes the annual rate of basic pay for all federal employees during that same year—no raises, step increases, or cost-of-living adjustments are permitted. These restrictions override existing civil service rules and compensation schedules. After the initial freeze year, the bill requires each agency to reduce its workforce by 2 percent below baseline levels within two years and by 5 percent below baseline within three years, with agency heads directed to execute these reductions without regard to other laws or regulations. Implementation begins immediately upon enactment. The hiring freeze takes effect for one year unless an agency head certifies that a specific hire serves law enforcement, public safety, or national security interests. The pay freeze applies to all federal employees for the same one-year period. Starting in year two, agencies must begin workforce reductions to meet the 2 percent target, followed by further cuts to reach 5 percent by year three. The bill provides no new funding and does not specify how agencies should prioritize which positions to eliminate. Existing reduction-in-force procedures and employee protections may be overridden, potentially affecting federal operations across defense, veterans services, Social Security, environmental protection, and other agencies.
Referred to the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.

Sponsored by Andy Biggs
The National Voter Registration Act of 1993 (NVRA) currently requires states to offer voter registration opportunities at motor vehicle licensing agencies, public assistance offices, and disability service providers. The law also mandates that states maintain voter rolls and remove ineligible voters only under specific circumstances, such as death or relocation out of state. Additionally, the NVRA establishes federal standards for voter registration procedures and imposes penalties on states that fail to comply with its requirements. This framework has governed voter registration administration for over three decades. This bill repeals the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 entirely, eliminating all federal requirements it imposes on states. By removing the statute from the U.S. Code, the bill dissolves the mandate that states provide registration opportunities at motor vehicle and public assistance agencies. It also eliminates federal standards governing voter roll maintenance, removal procedures, and registration deadlines. States would no longer face federal enforcement mechanisms or penalties for noncompliance with NVRA requirements. Following passage, states would immediately gain authority to set their own voter registration policies without federal constraints. Individual states could determine where and how citizens register to vote, establish their own procedures for maintaining voter rolls, and set timelines for registration deadlines. The change would take effect upon enactment, with no transition period or federal funding implications. States would retain discretion over whether to continue existing registration practices voluntarily or adopt different approaches.
Referred to the House Committee on House Administration.

Sponsored by Lauren Boebert
The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) currently operates as a federal law enforcement agency within the Department of Justice, enforcing federal firearms regulations, explosives laws, and alcohol and tobacco statutes. Established in 1972, the ATF investigates violations of federal gun laws, conducts background checks for firearm purchases, regulates the manufacture and sale of explosives, and enforces tax and labeling requirements for alcohol and tobacco products. The agency maintains field offices across the country and employs special agents, investigators, and support staff dedicated to these enforcement functions. This bill abolishes the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives entirely. The legislation contains no provisions transferring ATF functions, personnel, or authorities to other agencies, nor does it establish alternative mechanisms for enforcing the federal statutes the ATF currently administers. The bill simply eliminates the agency without specifying how its responsibilities—including firearms background checks, explosives regulation, and alcohol and tobacco enforcement—would be handled after abolishment. The practical effects of this abolishment remain undefined by the bill's text. No implementation timeline, transition period, or funding mechanism is specified. The bill does not clarify whether existing federal firearms, explosives, alcohol, and tobacco laws would remain on the books but unenforced, be transferred to other agencies, or be repealed. Federal background check systems, explosives licensing programs, and alcohol tax collection would all lack a designated administrator. Congress would need to pass additional legislation to address these gaps or allow federal enforcement of these statutes to cease entirely.
Referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary.

Sponsored by Nicole Malliotakis
The United States Postal Service currently operates under title 39 of the U.S. Code, which grants the Postmaster General limited authority to issue administrative subpoenas in investigations. Existing law restricts this power to specific categories of offenses related to mail fraud and postal crimes. The USPS has faced challenges in gathering evidence efficiently during investigations into mail-related crimes, including drug trafficking and mail theft, because the scope and procedures for issuing subpoenas have been narrowly defined and subject to various procedural constraints. This bill amends section 3016(a)(1) of title 39 to expand the Postmaster General's subpoena authority. The USPS may now issue subpoenas in investigations involving any violation of postal law, mail fraud statutes under chapter 83 of title 18, other offenses enumerated in section 3001(a), or violations of the Controlled Substances Act that involve the mails. Subpoenas may require production of records deemed relevant or material to an investigation and testimony from custodians about the authenticity and chain of custody of those records. The bill also narrows the officials authorized to approve subpoenas to the General Counsel, Deputy General Counsel, or Chief Postal Inspector, centralizing approval authority. The changes take effect upon enactment with no specified implementation timeline or new funding requirements. The USPS will use existing resources and procedures to issue and enforce subpoenas under the expanded authority. The narrowed approval chain may accelerate subpoena issuance by reducing bureaucratic steps, while the broader scope of covered offenses allows the USPS to investigate a wider range of mail-related crimes. Existing judicial review procedures and constitutional protections against unreasonable searches remain in place, as subpoenas remain subject to challenge in court.
Referred to the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.

Sponsored by Andy Biggs
Federal employees in senior positions—those in the Senior Executive Service and Schedule C roles—currently file financial disclosure forms under chapter 131 of title 5, United States Code. These disclosures cover assets, liabilities, and income sources to identify potential conflicts of interest. However, existing disclosure requirements do not specifically mandate reporting of federal student loan debt, leaving a gap in transparency about financial obligations that could influence decision-making in government roles. The bill amends section 13104 of title 5 to require Senior Executive Service and Schedule C employees to disclose the outstanding principal and interest owed on all federal student loans. Covered employees must file initial reports within 60 days of the bill's enactment and annually by February 28 thereafter. New employees entering these positions must file within 60 days of assuming their roles. The reports must detail balances on loans made under parts B, D, and E of title IV of the Higher Education Act of 1965, covering federal student loans from multiple programs. The Director of the Office of Government Ethics must compile this information and submit an annual report to Congress by May 1 each year, including aggregate debt totals and the names of any employees who fail to comply with reporting requirements. Implementation begins immediately upon enactment, with the first reports due within 60 days. The Office of Government Ethics will bear administrative responsibility for collecting and reporting the data with no new appropriations specified. The disclosure requirement creates an ongoing compliance obligation for approximately 8,000 Senior Executive Service employees and several thousand Schedule C appointees government-wide. Failure to report becomes a matter of record transmitted to Congress, establishing accountability for non-compliance. The annual congressional reports will provide lawmakers with aggregate data on federal student debt held by senior executive branch officials.
Referred to the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.

Sponsored by Al Green
Currently, there is no federal program that systematically provides voter registration information to high school seniors through their schools. While some states and localities have implemented their own voter education initiatives, there is no coordinated national effort or dedicated federal funding stream to ensure that students receive registration information before they graduate and become eligible voters. This gap means that many young people may not understand how to register or may miss registration deadlines in their state. The Election Assistance Commission (EAC) shall establish and operate a pilot program during fiscal year 2025 that provides federal funds to local educational agencies—school districts—to develop and deliver voter registration information initiatives targeting 12th grade students. Participating school districts must submit applications describing their planned initiatives, cost estimates, and assurances of compliance. Critically, each district receiving funds must consult with state and local election officials responsible for administering elections in their area to ensure the information provided is accurate and aligned with local registration procedures and deadlines. School districts that receive funding must complete their initiatives and submit reports to the EAC within 90 days of receiving the funds, analyzing what they accomplished and how effective their efforts were. The EAC then has 60 days after receiving all district reports to submit its own comprehensive report to Congress evaluating the pilot program's outcomes. The bill authorizes whatever appropriations are necessary to fund these activities in fiscal year 2025, though no specific dollar amount is specified. The pilot's results will inform whether Congress should expand this voter registration initiative to additional school districts or years.
Referred to the House Committee on House Administration.

Sponsored by Claudia Tenney
Currently, most federal agencies maintain headquarters and significant operations in the Washington, D.C. metropolitan area—defined by this bill as the District of Columbia, parts of Maryland, and parts of Virginia. This geographic concentration has persisted for decades, with agencies clustered near Congress and the White House. The bill does not amend existing law governing agency locations but instead responds to the premise that relocating federal operations outside this region could reduce government costs and distribute federal employment more broadly across the country. The bill establishes a Commission to Relocate the Federal Bureaucracy, composed of 16 senior officials including the Directors of the Office of Management and Budget and Office of Personnel Management, the Comptroller General, and the Secretaries of Agriculture, Commerce, Education, Energy, Health and Human Services, Housing and Urban Development, Interior, Labor, Transportation, and Veterans Affairs, plus the Environmental Protection Agency Administrator and Food and Drug Administration Commissioner. The Commission must study which "covered agencies"—defined as non-security-related agencies as determined by the President—could relocate outside the Washington region and submit recommendations to Congress within one year of enactment. The Commission's recommendations must weigh four factors: whether a potential relocation site has below-average cost of living, adequate infrastructure and available private land, existing industries related to the agency's mission that could serve as public and private partners, and whether the agency's workforce has recently participated in telework. The bill provides no dedicated funding, implementation timeline for actual relocations, or mechanism to compel agencies to move. The report serves as a study and recommendation document; Congress would need separate legislation to authorize and fund any actual agency relocations.
Referred to the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.

Sponsored by Keith Self
U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) currently maintains its headquarters in Washington, D.C., where it has operated as the primary federal agency responsible for border security, trade enforcement, and immigration enforcement. The agency's leadership and administrative functions are based in the nation's capital, separate from the southern border region where much of CBP's operational activity occurs. This geographic distance between headquarters and field operations has prompted questions about whether the agency's command structure is optimally positioned to respond to border-related emergencies and crises. The bill directs the Secretary of Homeland Security, acting through the CBP Commissioner, to relocate the entire CBP headquarters to Texas by January 1, 2026. The relocation must include all functions, personnel, and real assets currently housed at the Washington headquarters. The Secretary may acquire land in Texas through written contracts and must work with the Texas General Land Office Commissioner to ensure the new headquarters location is strategically positioned to handle border crises. Any land acquired must meet the Attorney General's title approval standards for federal property acquisitions. The Secretary has approximately one year to execute this relocation, which will require identifying a suitable Texas location, acquiring or securing property, transferring personnel and operations, and establishing new administrative infrastructure. The bill does not specify a funding source, suggesting relocation costs would come from existing CBP or Department of Homeland Security appropriations. The move would fundamentally alter the agency's organizational structure, potentially affecting how quickly leadership can respond to border emergencies and changing the geographic center of federal immigration and trade enforcement operations.
Referred to the Subcommittee on Oversight, Investigations, and Accountability.

Sponsored by Brian Fitzpatrick
Currently, most states restrict primary election voting to registered members of each political party. Unaffiliated voters—those not registered with any party—are barred from participating in these contests in many jurisdictions, even though primary elections determine which candidates appear on general election ballots funded by taxpayers. This exclusion means millions of independent voters cannot influence the selection of nominees for federal, state, and local office, despite being eligible to vote in general elections. Additionally, some states lack uniform citizenship verification procedures for voter registration and election administration. The Let America Vote Act requires every state to permit unaffiliated voters to participate in primary elections for federal office, with each unaffiliated voter allowed to vote in only one party's primary per election cycle. States must also prohibit sharing unaffiliated voters' personal information with political parties for fundraising or campaign purposes, and cannot list such voters as party members simply because they voted in a primary. For state and local elections, states receiving federal election administration funds must apply the same rules. The Election Assistance Commission will verify state compliance and distribute transition grants equal to 2 percent of each state's annual Help America Vote Act funding for five years to cover implementation costs. States have until the next election cycle to implement these changes. The transition grants, funded through annual appropriations beginning in fiscal year 2026, provide resources for updating voter registration systems and ballot procedures. States already permitting unaffiliated primary voting face minimal disruption, while closed-primary states must redesign their nomination processes. The law takes effect immediately upon enactment but applies only to elections held after that date. Federal funding for election administration becomes contingent on compliance, creating a strong incentive for states to adopt open primary rules for all races, not just federal contests.
Referred to the Committee on House Administration, and in addition to the Committee on the Judiciary, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned.

Sponsored by Brian Fitzpatrick
Currently, state legislatures draw congressional district lines following each decennial census, a process that often results in partisan gerrymandering—the manipulation of district boundaries to favor one political party. While some states have voluntarily adopted independent redistricting commissions in recent years, federal law does not require this practice. The Supreme Court has held that partisan gerrymandering is largely a political question beyond judicial remedy, leaving the practice largely unregulated at the federal level despite its effects on electoral competition and representation. The CLEAN Elections Act requires each state to conduct congressional redistricting using a nonpartisan independent redistricting commission beginning with the 2020 census cycle. The bill defines a qualifying commission as one where members affiliated with the state's largest and second-largest political parties are equally represented, and where no elected officials serve. Additionally, the bill conditions federal election administration funding on states' agreement to use independent commissions for state legislative redistricting as well. The Election Assistance Commission will verify state compliance with these certification requirements. Implementation begins immediately for congressional districts, with states required to adopt commission-based plans for the 2020 redistricting and all subsequent cycles. States seeking federal election administration funds must certify compliance for state legislative redistricting beginning with the first redistricting after the bill's enactment. The bill does not appropriate new funding but leverages existing federal election grants as an enforcement mechanism. States that refuse to adopt independent commissions for state legislative districts would lose federal election administration support, creating financial pressure to comply while preserving state flexibility in congressional redistricting methods.
Referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary.

Sponsored by Kat Cammack
Under current law, federal agencies issue regulations through a process governed by the Administrative Procedure Act and the Congressional Review Act. Agencies must publish proposed rules, accept public comment, and submit reports to Congress before rules take effect. However, Congress has no formal mechanism to block most regulations. Agencies classify rules as either "major" (those with significant economic impact, typically over $100 million annually) or "nonmajor." Currently, Congress can disapprove nonmajor rules through a joint resolution, but major rules take effect automatically unless Congress acts to overturn them after the fact—a difficult procedural hurdle that rarely succeeds. This bill amends chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, to reverse that burden. The bill requires that major rules have no force or effect unless Congress enacts a joint resolution of approval within 70 session or legislative days after the rule is submitted. Federal agencies must submit detailed reports to Congress and the Comptroller General before any rule takes effect, including cost-benefit analyses, job impact assessments, and compliance documentation. The Comptroller General must review each major rule within 15 days and report to relevant committees. The bill establishes a streamlined congressional process: the majority leader must introduce an approval resolution within three days, committees have 15 days to report, and floor votes must occur within defined timeframes. The President may allow a major rule to take effect for 90 days in emergencies involving imminent threats to health, safety, national security, or criminal law enforcement, but this does not waive the approval requirement. Implementation begins immediately upon enactment. Agencies must comply with the new submission and documentation requirements for all major rules issued after the law takes effect. The 70-day approval window creates a hard deadline: if Congress does not vote to approve a major rule within that period, the rule automatically fails and cannot be reconsidered in the same Congress. Nonmajor rules continue under the existing disapproval process, taking effect unless Congress votes to reject them. Rules submitted near the end of a congressional session carry over to the next session, resetting the approval clock. No new funding is appropriated; the Comptroller General absorbs review costs from existing resources. This fundamentally shifts regulatory authority: agencies can no longer implement major rules unilaterally, and Congress must affirmatively vote to allow significant regulations to proceed.
Referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and in addition to the Committees on Rules, and the Budget, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned.
